Muslim headscarves in the West

ISLAM IN THE WEST: MUSLIM FEMALE STUDENTS’ VIEWS ON HIJÂB IN THE NETHERLANDS


Abstrak:

Hijâb (jilbâb di Indoneisa) selalu menjadi topik yang hangat untuk diperbincangkan, baik di kalangan Islam dan, lebih-lebih, di kalangan non-Muslim. Perbedaan pendapat umat Islam tentang hijâb terutama sekali dipicu oleh perbedaan metode dalam memahami dasar nash hijâb, yaitu Qur’an dan hadîts. Sementara itu kebanyakan orang non-Muslim menganggap hijâb sebagai simbol keterbelakangan wanita Islam. Hijâb dianggap identik dengan status inferioritas wanita yang cenderung membatasi peran mereka pada sektor domestik. Lebih jauh hijâb juga disinyalir sebagai manifestasi bangkitnya Islam fundamentalis-radikal. Ini merupakan asumsi yang lumrah di Barat. Benarkah demikian?

Dalam penelitian ini, hijâb diartikan sebagai pakaian wanita Muslim serta konsep pemisahan laki-laki dengan perempuan. Riset ini menunjukan tidak ada unifikasi opini tentang hijâb bagi wanita Muslim di Belanda. Ini terutama sekali dipengaruhi oleh pengalaman dan kecenderungan individu. Meskipun demikian secara umum hijâb dianggap sebagai kewajiban dan simbol jati diri Muslimah. Bagi mereka hijâb juga selaras dengan modernitas, yakni sebuah trend pakaian yang mampu menampilkn sosok yang beriman dan modis. Begitu pula hijâb sama sekali tidak identik dengan status rendah wanita. Mereka itu muda, terdidik dan professional yang aktif terlibat dalam proses interaksi sosial yang lebih luas. Sedang hijâb sebagai konsep pemisahan laki-laki dan perempuan banyak mendapat tantangan. Mereka menganggap konsep tersebut sudah tidak lagi relevan dengan kehidupan modern, karena cenderung eksklusif dan kurang transparan.

Kata kunci: hijâb, jilbâb, khimâr, niqâb, veil, headscarf, sex segregation (separation)


Introduction

The presence of Islam in the Western countries has had considerable impacts, as Islam is both a system of belief and a way of life. It has inspired its followers to establish a society in which they can perform their religious activities and maintain their cultural identities. The emergence of mosques, Islamic schools, Muslim female dresses and Islamic organizations in many states of European Unions are concrete examples to support this hypothesis. Although most countries in Western Europe establish the principle of religious freedom in their constitutions, the application of this principle invariably differs. The interpretation and the application of this principle, however, depend largely on the history of the relation between state and religion within each country.[1] The current disputes over Islamic modest dress or hijâb (or jilbâb in Indonesian) illustrate best such relation.

Muslim female headscarf is now considered as the most provocative element of Islam in the West. It is no longer a matter of clothing. It is both a religious and a political phenomenon. “Veiling is not inherently a political act, but rather, it becomes one when it is transformed into public symbol”.[2] The hijâb increasingly becomes a controversial subject. This holds true in such countries as the United Stated and especially France. In October 2003, a Muslim girl has been suspended from a public school in Oklahoma because her headscarf violated the rules for dress code policies.[3] During the same month, two young female students have been chased out of a school in Aubervilliers, Paris, because they reject to remove their headscarves.[4] In spite of harsh criticisms from religious leaders, French President, Jacques Chirac, supports enthusiastically a proposal to ban all religious symbols in public schools.[5] In the United Kingdom, Muslim girls are allowed to wear headscarves, provided they are in the same color to the school uniform.

These various responses show that there are different viewpoints on and approaches to hijâb. Some think that wearing the hijâb is an expression of religious freedom, for it is a symbol of religious conviction. On the contrary, others conceive of hijâb as an emblem of women oppression in Islam. It is believed as a symbol of the inequality and inferiority of women to men.[6] Moreover, hijâb has arisen a fear that Islamic fundamentalism will emerge in the West. This simplification, stereotyping and prejudice towards Islam, in this case hijâb, is in fact a myth. This is induced by lack of empirical research done about Islam.[7]

For this reason, this present research attempts to understand hijâb from Muslim’s perspective. This is neither a legal nor a political study about hijâb. This is a study on Muslim female student views about hijâb in The Netherlands. The main question that will be answered in this study is: how do Muslim female students perceive hijâb in the sense of Muslim female dress and of sex separation? And how do they apply this perception in their daily life? These questions will help to understand what hijâb means for them. It therefore attempts to present ‘insider’ perspectives. It also tries to look at the dynamics of various opinions among the respondents and, at a lesser degree, at the social responses received by veiled respondents (muhajjabât). I interview both veiled and unveiled girls in order to have various opinions. I have interviewed fifteen respondents from May to December 2003, both in Leiden and The Hague. I will explain the meaning of hijâb in The Netherlands by means of interpreting and analyzing the current phenomenon of hijâb based on my interview.

This study is expected to provide information about hijâb in the West, particularly in The Netherlands. It is also a continuation of previous researches. There have been a number of researches on hijâb. Helen Watson wrote about hijâb in 1993. She interviewed muhajjabât in three countries: the United Kingdom, France and Egypt.[8] Nilufer Gole, a sociologist from Turkey, has carried out a study about the veiling and the Islamist movement of university students in Turkey in 1996.[9] Anne Sofie Roald, a scholar from Malmö University, Sweden, conducted a research on Women in Islam within the Western experience. In one passage of her book, she drew attention on the views on hijâb among Arab Muslims, or their descents, who are living in Western Europe. [10] The most current research on the veil in the West was carried out by Katherine Bullock. She wrote about the perceptions and experiences of wearing hijâb among veiled women living in Toronto, Canada.[11]

I organise this study into the following order. Part one is introduction. In this part, I shall explain the reason and aim of this research, followed by the method applied in it. The debates about hijâb in Islam will be presented in part two. This part discusses the opinions of Muslim scholars about hijâb. Parts three deals with the issue of hijâb in the context of the Dutch society. Part four explains and discusses Muslim female students’ views about hijâb in The Netherlands. The last part is conclusion.
Debates about Hijâb in Islam

Although the term hijâb in the Qur’an means a ‘curtain’, as it is mentioned in Qs. al-Ahzâb (33):53, but it has been widely used to refer to Muslim female dress that comprises of a long coat and a headscarf. This sort of garb is intended to cover most part of the body of women with the exception of the face and palms. In this study, the term “hijâb ” is only used interchangeably with the term ‘veil’.

There are various opinions among Muslims about hijâb . This is caused primarily by the way they interpret the Qur’an. In traditional literatures, we find that many mufassirûn made use of the hadîth and reports by the sahaba as sources of interpretation. Meanwhile, some contemporary Muslim scholars have applied different methods of interpretation. Different views on hijâb can also be approached from cultural, ideological and geographical perspectives. It means that Muslims with different ideology, culture and political affiliation usually have different views on hijâb. Nevertheless, both proponents and opponents of the hijâb make use of the Qur’an as their arguments.

Talking about Muslim female dress we pay our attention to three words: khimâr, jilbâb and hijâb. Khimâr means something that a woman covers her head with.[12] Jilbâb is wider than khimâr and it refers to a cloak that covers women’s hair and bosom.[13] Hijâb means a curtain.[14] It is interesting that classical commentators of the Qur’an did not relate hijâb to the concept of female dress in Islam, as it may be in contemporary use. They focus instead their concentration on the verses about khimâr and jilbâb when talking about Muslim women covering.

In discussing the verse about khimâr, Qs. al-Nûr (24):33, al-Thabarî (d. 310/923) said that the word illâ mâ zhahara minhâ (except what appears thereof) is debatable. While some companions interpret it as al-tsiyâb (dress), al-kahl (a type of eye liner) khâtim (ring), others refer it to al-wajh (face) and al-kaff (palms).[15] Al-Thabarî argued that this verse enjoins women to cover their whole body and only the face and hands that may be exposed. He based his arguments on the consensus among ‘ulamâ that during prayer and pilgrimage women are allowed to expose their hands and faces.[16] Concerning the jilbâb verse, Qs. al-Ahzâb (33):59, al-Thabarî quoted reports that, in contrast to his interpretation on the khimâr verse, supported a complete covering or a covering with the exception of one eye. He did not give his own opinions to it, saying that women should cover themselves in a different way from that of female slaves and thus they can avoid being molested.[17] However, Ibn Katsîr (d. 774/1373) spoke in favor of full covering. According to him, jilbâb means al-rida’ (loose outer gown or cloak) and it should be worn by women to cover their face and head and only one eye left exposed. He grounded his opinion in the reports from Ibn Abbas and Ibn Sirin.[18] In discussing the khimâr verse, Ibn Katsîr referred to the hadîts from Abû Dawud about Asma, who wore a thin cloth when she came to the Prophet, but he classified this hadîts as mursal.[19]

The concept of sex segregation seems to have been connected with the hijâb verse, Qs. al-Ahzâb (33):53. This can be understood from the explanation given by these two scholars. In addition to his long quotation of the versions of asbâb al-nuzûl, al-Thabarî implicitly expressed his views by stating that the commandment to hang up a curtain applied not only to the wives of the Prophet but also to Muslim women in general. He added that one should not ask something from the mother of believers and Muslim women except from behind a curtain.[20] Ibn Katsîr gave a similar opinion to this, but he did not discuss whether this verse also applied to Muslim women.[21]

In contemporary discussions, we know that there are various opinions about hijâb. We may classify them into three categories. Firstly, many Muslims believe that women’s covering should include the whole body, except for the eyes or one eye only. Darwîs Mushthafa Hasan, for example, makes no distinction between hijâb and niqâb. The former is only commonly referred to than the latter, but they are essentially alike; to wrap women’s body completely and only eyes exposed.[22] It is only if there is no temptation (fitna) and under certain limited conditions women may reveal their faces and palms, like in engagement process, during pilgrimage, in front of muhrim, during medical treatment, and during teaching activities.[23] According to him, the hijâb verses contain a general meaning, that can be proved from the general words used, so that they apply to all Muslim women. He makes use of the khimâr verse as a supported idea for this, saying that this verse also applied general words. In addition, he was also drawing hadîts, opinions of companions (sahaba) and followers (tabi‘in) who all support of complete covering.[24]

Secondly, a large part of Muslims are in favor of full covering with the exception of the face and hands. Nâsir al-Dîn al-Albânî, a Jordanian scholar, argues that there are eight prerequisites for women dress in Islam. One of which is that women should cover their whole body ‘except what cannot be concealed’, and he meant by this phrase is the face and palms.[25] He explains his method by saying that the verses of the Qur’an may expound one another, and the khimâr verse limits the meaning of the jilbâb verse. [26] Besides, his primary sources to interpret these two verses are hadîts, because, for him, the hadîts functions as an explanatory tool to understand the Qur’an. From the hadîts he quoted, there is an ample evident that the obligation to wear face covers was directed exclusively to the wives of the Prophet, and that the exposure of the face and palms are enough for the rest of Muslim women.[27]

In the Western context, Syed Mutawalli ad-Darsh, a Muslim scholar living in the United Kingdom, is among those of the opinions saying that women may expose their faces and hands. In his book, he mentioned Qs. al-Nûr (24):31 and al-Ahzâb (33):53-59 as the starting point to discuss women covering. But he focuses instead his attention on the former verse, the one he believes to be the final statement about Muslim female covering. Meanwhile, the letter should be put in the context of an earlier step towards this final statement.[28] Based on the convincing explanations of the khimâr verse given by Muslim scholars, ad-Darsh states that there is a consensus among mufassirûn and fuqahâ’ that women do not have to cover their faces.

Thirdly, another group of Muslims, mostly liberal thinkers and feminists,[29] harshly criticize hijâb and they hold completely different views about it. Mahmûd Muhammad Thaha, a Sudanese Muslim thinker, said that hijâb is not an original precept in Islam. In defense of his argument, Thaha referred to the Qs. al-A’raf (7):19-27 instead of the hijâb verses.[30] He wanted to put the debates over hijâb in the context of Adam and Eva when God punished them. He said that when in the heaven, they were not wearing the hijâb. On the contrary, they were uncovered (al-sufûr). So, the principle is al-sufûr, because it is consistent with the original principle of freedom in Islam. The hijâb is, he stated, therefore a rational penalty for the abuse of freedom of al-sufûr.[31]
The Issue of Hijâb in The Netherlands

The institutionalisation of Islam is now taking place in all over Western Europe. However, the extent to which this process is underway invariably differs in each country. This, for instance, can be seen from the case of Muslim female headscarves.[32] Each state of European Unions has different experiences dealing with this issue.[33] Hijâb is now at the crossroad of discursive battles of secular identity of Modern Europe, public and private spaces, the acceptance of immigrants, integration and human right. While hijâb has rarely been a case in Sweden, it now becomes a fierce subject of public debates in France. The proponents of a ban on Muslim headscarves in that country argue that France is a secular country. Consequently, any religious symbol should be banned from public sphere, including in schools.[34] In Germany, the government officials and civil servants are required to keep religious neutrality.[35] In July 1998, the Minister of Education in Baden-Wurttemberg refused to appoint a teacher for she was wearing Muslim headscarf. It feared that she could not be able to maintain the norm of religious neutrality in the classroom.[36] Although Germany’s Highest Court (BVG) has released a verdict in her favour, the struggle over hijâb seems to go on. Seven German states support hijâb ban, while eight states refuse to do so.[37]

Similar cases of headscarf affairs have happened to Holland as well. In some schools, headscarf is not a problem at all, but in other schools it remains prohibited. Here Muslim female student are allowed to don headscarves in public schools, but they cannot put it on at religious private schools, especially if it is judged to be contrary to the religious identity of these schools. [38] According to Shadid and van Koningsveld, the discussion about Islamic regulations pertaining to Muslim dress and separation of sexes in schools, particularly during mixed lessons of swimming and gymnastic, is centred in two main questions; are these practices based on Islamic prescription? And how should school boards take them into account?[39]

The first case of headscarf affair emerged when the local authority of the town of Alphen aan den Rijn prohibited Muslim girls to wear headscarves at public schools in 1985. This policy was also adopted by principals of local private-Christian schools.[40] The parent of Muslim girls protested against it declaring that the headscarf is an Islamic prescription and should therefore be protected by the state. Based on such complaint, the Lower House demanded the local authorities to repeal the prohibition.[41]

The other example of the headscarf affair was in the city of Helmond. A private-Christian secondary school applied the principles of hygiene, organisational complications and integration, and emancipation in its class activities. As a result, the school forced all students, including veiled Muslim girls, to attend to mixed lessons in swimming and to adopt special suits during mixed lessons in gymnastics. The parent of Muslim girls concerned complained about this treatment to the school and they brought the case into the court. According to the verdict of the Court of Justice of the city of Den Bosch, dating September 5, 1989, citizens are allowed to claims for the right of the religious freedom only in states’ institutions, and not in private institutions.[42]

The case has stirred up severe criticisms. Dutch lawyers, for instance, challenged the verdict by drawing a comparison with the English case concerning the refusal of a Christian school to accept a pupil from community of the Sikh who adopts a turban. The English judge stated that the refusal was a racial discrimination and therefore it was against the Race Relation Act of 1976. The Dutch lawyers also questioned the competence of the school to interpret the principle of integration and emancipation of minorities. They were afraid that the interpretation would lead to the suppression of religious freedom. Unfortunately, the case has not been taken to the Dutch Supreme Court.[43]

In practice, Muslim girls do not always have problems with their headscarves. It depends on the real condition in each school. In General, the observance of hijâb in The Netherlands will continue. Even after September 11 of terrorist attack in the U.S., and the suspicion on Muslims arouse strongly,[44] Muslim women are still proud of their hijâb. The daily newspapers of de Volkskrant, under its headlines Geuzendoek, focused its attention on the phenomena of the increasing number of muhajjabât in Holland. It said that many muhajjabât are now young, student universities and professionals. R’kia El Hid, a Project leader in Eindhoven and a student at the Faculty of Social Science at Utrecht University, just adopted the hijâb four years ago. Even though people often make a fuss over her headscarf, she insists on wearing it. “Ik ben moslim, en daar ben ik trost op” (I am a Muslim, and I am proud of it), she said.[45]
Research Description and Findings

After discussing the debates on hijâb in Islam and looking at its actual issue in Western Europe, particularly in the context of the Dutch society, I shall describe my empirical research and underline the important points found in it. This description means to understand both differences and similarities between the ‘ideal’ or ‘normative’ and ‘practical’ Islam, or to discern between textual debates and contextual disputes. In short, this section attempts to see how normative Islam is implemented into a real life by its followers.

Respondents and the Process of the Interview
I set down two basic conditions for the respondent of this research: Muslim female student and living in either Leiden or The Hague. The term “Muslim” here refers to a normative sense. It means that as a Muslim, one is supposed to perform Islamic obligations, like prayer, fasting during Ramadlan or any other activities that are commonly considered as Islamic prescriptions. In this study, I shall get rid of any opinion that does not reflect a “Muslim” mind. I therefore did not interview a respondent who is not, for instance, offering prayer. This point is very important to be stressed here, for the respondent is Muslim.

Meanwhile the term “female” is meant to relate this research to a group of people who are directly concerned with the object of this study. Because it is women, not men, who mostly become an object of the debate about hijâb. Women are observers of hijâb. I include students to participate in my research because the issue of hijâb in The Netherlands was started from schools, as what has already happened on other Western states. I however did not interview students of senior high schools. My respondents were university students. At first, I was so afraid that I could not be able to accomplish this research, for I am myself a man, while the respondents are women. I thought I would have got a lot of problems, especially practical and psychological ones. In general, I had no difficult problems dealing with the process of the interview. In looking for respondents, I applied a personal approach. I came directly to a girl asking for the interview. I also asked them whether they were ready to help me to make a contact with their Muslim female fellows. This has proved really worked. I also used Internet for this purpose, by sending email to Muslim female students willing to participate in this research. Most of them were cooperative. Few girls rejected to be interviewed for they were very busy with their studies and only one who refused to be interviewed without giving any reason. I have interviewed fifteen students ranging from age 18 to age 29 years old. They are the descents of Moroccan (5), Tunisian (1), Turkish (4), Indonesian (2) Rumanian (1), and indigenous Dutch girls (2). The majority of the respondents are veiled students (eleven). Among them, four are newly veiled girls, including a convert Dutch girl. The number of unveiled respondents is four. Two of them are coverts.

The second category is living in Leiden or The Hague. Why in Leiden and The Hague? In Leiden, wearing hijâb is not the issue at all, even face-veil or niqâb was allowed to be worn in Leiden University. It is only recent policy that bans the niqâb. So, it is more challenging to present Muslim female student views on the hijâb, rather than discussing, for instance, its legal aspect. Besides, I live in Leiden. Therefore it has practical purposes as well. A lot of researches about Islam have been carried out in such cities as Amsterdam, Rotterdam and Utrecht. I do not see one, especially concerning hijâb, that was conducted in The Hague, the Capital of Holland.
Perspectives about Hijâb in the Sense of Muslim Female Dress

Hijâb is many things. It can be a traditional piece of cloth. It can also be a modern, fashionable form of dress. Women wear hijâb for various reasons. On the contrary, a lot of Muslim women refuse to wear hijâb. So, hijâb means different things to different women.[46] In this section I will underline the most important factor that plays a pivotal role for the interviewees to decide whether to veil or to reveal. They give a certain point of view. It implies that what they emphasize strongly on hijâb affects their opinions about it and consequently such opinions influence the way they dress. My research shows that there are three main perspectives about the hijâb.

A. Normative Perspectives

Islam is the important part of the life of the interviewees. It is their religion that recommends them to cover. Most veiled respondents said that they choose to cover themselves because it is compulsory. They said that the injunction of the veil is clearly stated in the Qur’an. All veiled respondents are always donning hijâb in their daily activities. They put it away only in a certain situation recommended by the Qur’an, such as in front of muhrim, one who is prohibited to marry with. Even for some newly veiled respondents and a veiled convert girl, they are always attempting at any cost to maintain this ethics, namely being muhajjabât. For these women, it feels uncomfortable with their headscarf at the first time they adopt it, especially when they are amid of non-Muslim fellows or in non-Muslim forums. They eventually get accustomed to donning their hijâb.

A girl who adopted the hijâb just one and a half year ago said to me that wearing hijâb is compulsory. “I think it is a compulsory for Muslim women to wear hijâb” she said. “Women should cover their whole body, except the face and palms, as what the Qur’an stated. I am wearing the hijâb not because my hair is curly, but because of Allah. I want to be a good Muslim.”[47] The same view has been given by a girl who has become muhajjabât since December 2002. She said: “Hijâb is an obligation in our religion, but niqâb is not. Formerly, I am not sure with my hijâb, but I know I have to force myself in order to take it, for it is an obligation. I have to perform Islamic obligations”.[48] Another girl expressed his opinions saying: ”I am wearing the hijâb because of Allah alone, not because of somebody of something else. Although it seems at first impracticable, but I will try to always adopt it. For this, I am no longer going to places where I used to go, like a cafe that sells beer and wine or attending any life music show, where men and women mixed together in a crowded place”.[49] A convert girl explained her reason and experience of being muhajjabât. She said: “There is a clear evident from the Qur’an that hijâb is a compulsory. That is why I have adopted it since 1998, when I converted. It looks very hard for me. Some friends of mine keep a distance from me, though some others remain good ones. Even my parent does not agree with my decision. I know it is trial and I must be patient with this. I believe I will get reward from Allah, because I do it only for Him”.[50] These data obviously suggest that there is increasing religiosity among these girls. They perceive hijâb as an obligation. According to them, a good Muslim is one who is consistent with Islam and fulfils its obligation. Therefore they adopt it and they are aware of the consequences. For them, the hijâb is a religious symbol. It reflects the religiosity of the person donning it. They want to transfer their religious quality from a lower grade, a state of being unveiled, to a higher level, becoming veiled Muslim women. Being muhajjabât is therefore considered as pious and religious person by these respondents.

Some other respondents said that hijâb means a symbol of Muslim identity. When they were asked why they wear hijâb? one respondent said: “Hijâb is an obligation, as it is mentioned in the Qur’an. Although there are various interpretations on hijâb, but it does not mean that hijâb is only suggestion. I want to be like a Muslim. That is why I am wearing this hijâb ”.[51] Another girl said: “I am wearing the hijâb because it is a part of Islamic obligations. It is a symbol of Muslim identity. I am proud of being a Muslim, so I am wearing it now. This is the expression of my Muslim identity”.[52] One other girl stressed that the hijâb is an emblem of modern Muslim female dress. According to her, a girl looks very much attractive if she wears the hijâb. She said

Hijâb is clearly a part of religion. Islam demands that Women should cover their body. But in the meantime, during a process of changes, hijâb is of tradition. We can see that women’s cover varies in different cultures, regions or states. I wear this hijâb on my own decision. It is my conviction. It is a duty. For me, hijâb is also a symbol of modern garb. I think I look fashionable when wearing hijâb. When in the middle of unveiled female students, I think men pay much more attention to me than those who are unveiled. So, hijâb is very attractive for me.[53]

These responses show that their religion, Islam, should be inherent to their own personal performance. Their appearances have to represent what sort of people they are, namely devout Muslims. Moreover, hijâb is not identical with a traditional dress. Hijâb is of modern fashion. It serves both religious identity and up-to-date clothes that can preserve women’s modesty.

Nevertheless, some other respondents stressed that in practice women should cover themselves voluntarily. Women cannot be forced to adopt a hijâb. It is an obligation, but practically it should be a choice. They are very critical to the enforcement of veiling. Three respondents have almost the same idea about it. When asked, what do you think of the hijâb and why do you adopt it? a girl said :” I think hijâb is compulsory for women in Islam. Besides, it is meaningful to me. It convinces me in my activities. It makes me more confident. It also makes me humble as a woman. But, it should not be forced to any women”.[54] The other respondent stated: ”Hijâb is an obligation, that is true. But women cannot be forced to wear the hijâb. It should be based on women’s consciousness. I myself wear the hijâb. It is my own conviction. No one can force me to do so, not even my father or my mother”.[55] Another muhajjaba stated: “Hijâb is both obligation and choice. It is a religious personal choice. I do not agree if a girl is forced to adopt a hijâb.[56] What should be underlined here is that these girls attempt to explain that Islam is a peaceful religion. They want to observe Islamic modest dress in the framework of personal conviction. It may be caused by the fact that they live in a Western country, where freedom of religious expression is highly upheld, or because they are university students. They represent well-educated Muslims who are sharply critical to religious heritages.[57] They do not automatically transform the veil from the past into the present. The veil they adopt signifies the freedom of choice in Islam. For them, Islam is therefore what they do wholeheartedly, and not what others ask them to do.

The veiled respondents have various opinions about social reactions toward their headscarves. Five respondents said that they are happy with their hijâb and no negative feedback from the society. When asked what is the social response to you when you are wearing hijâb? they said: “It does not make any different”, “I never feel being discriminated over my hijâb”, “I got positive response in general”, “no negative response”, and “just neutral”. Three girls said that people at first often saw them in different ways and asked them about their headscarves. People just understood what hijâb is after they explained it to them. Meanwhile, three other female students admitted having a bitter experience with their hijâb. The experiences considerably vary in degrees ranging from a treatment of being mocked until loosing intimacy with friends.

In conjunction with job vacancies, the majority of the veiled respondents believed that their decision to be muhajjabât is risky to have limited job opportunities. A working respondent told me that she could have a better job, if she put her hijâb off. One other girl who works part time in a store said that one of the big and prestigious company in Holland forbids its female employees to wear headscarf. Another girl told me that she used to work then quitted. After adopting the hijâb, she sent application letters to many companies and supermarkets, but she did not accept satisfied replies. She is doubt whether it was caused by her headscarf or by sluggish economic growth that has been recently faced by The Netherlands. Only one girl said that the hijâb does not limit her chance to find a job.

It is interesting that the veil does not reflect a political meaning. What I mean with this is that women do not use the veil as political means. They are not representatives of a group of women who are politically active in society. They do not struggle for Islam formally through a political or institutional party from behind the veil. The veil is not a political tool. It is also worth noting here that there is hardly any reason indicating that adopting the veil means a rejection to moral deviation of the West.[58] These two main features of hijâb might be due to the fact that the veil is not of Dutch origins. The veil is a new phenomenon here. Up to now, it has never represented political struggles among Muslims in Holland, and there is no signal that it will be so in the near future. In addition, these girls are living in The Netherlands, a part of Western Europe where the individuality is a salient character of the social relation. They think that dressing is a personal business. They do not mean to wear the hijâb as a psychological war toward those who wear, lets say, miniskirts. One can dress whatever one wants to, as long as it is not prohibited by the law.

B. Historical-Cultural Perspective

For certain Muslim women, hijâb is only a choice, not an obligation. They suggest that Muslims be familiar with the history of early Islam in order to understand hijâb quite well. They believe that it is of Arabic customs, rather than an Islamic prescription, that has been adopted and modified by Islam. This historical-cultural approach has been taken by Leila Ahmed. She claims that the veil had already been existed before Islam came. She explained that during Muhammad’s life time, and only toward the end of that period, his wives were the only women required to cover. After Muhammad’s period and following the Muslim conquest, the veil became a common item of clothing among upper class women through a process of assimilation that, she believes, no one has known in great detail.[59] During my interview, there was only one respondent, a convert, who has similar opinion to that of Ahmed. She stated

I think hijâb for women is not compulsory. It is a choice. They may adopt it or not. The text of the Qur’an is interpretable. One can choose the most suitable interpretation to his or her life, depending on the place he or she lives in. I do not agree if hijâb is always connected to the characters of Muslim women. For me, it has nothing to do with good or bad Muslims. The most important thing is how to behave correctly. We cannot judge one only from one’s performance. The mind and heart are important. Besides, I believe hijâb deals with the tradition of women’s dress in early Islam. It has to do with tradition and culture of dressing among women in Arab.[60]

C. Psychological Perspectives

Hijâb gives psychological satisfactions to certain respondents. It makes the wearers feel comfortable with the surroundings. The other girls maintain that adopting hijâb needs a lot of times to prepare it. This, however, does not mean that they reject hijâb completely, but rather, they feel that they are not ready yet to wear it. For them, hijâb does represent a virtuousness of the women donning it. The wearers of hijâb are supposed to be able to uphold religious attitudes and avoid doing things that can reduce the symbol of religious significance of hijâb. One girl said

I know hijâb is an obligation for Muslim women, as it is explained in the Qur’an. I am sure I will cover myself some day. Now, I am not ready yet. I am not ready to be such a religious person as it is depicted by hijâb. I think I am more comfortable if people judge me in the way I look now.[61]

Another girl maintains that hijâb is compulsory for Muslim women. But, she is not ready yet to adopt it, for she must be morally and psychologically well prepared before wearing it. A convert respondent said

I think hijâb is a new phenomenon in Holland. Its growing presence is only current phenomena. You would not see so many muhajjabât like this ten years ago. People consider that the hijâb is something weird. They think that muhajjabât is strange, stupid and uncivilized. This is what people are commonly thinking about hijâb. I am not ready yet to be described as such if I adopt it. I need to take some steps before wearing hijâb, as I am only a new convert. I learn Islam and observe its teachings bit by bit. But I always dress properly which does not expose my body. I try to dress that is not sexually appealing.[62]

Another girl explained her reason why she does not adopt the hijâb. She argued that the most important thing to do by Muslim women concerning with Islamic dress code is that certain body must be wrapped. So that men or women do not look at the body of their counterparts. The veil is only option for this. However, it seems that her family affects a lot the way she dresses. She said

I think the main point of Muslim female dress is that the attire should be big enough so that it conceals the body. As long as men do not see the women’s body, it is enough. Therefore women are good if they wear a long dress, even though they do not wear a headscarf. There is no veiled woman in my family. I wish I will take hijâb in the future. I will try to adopt it step by step.[63]
Perspectives about Hijâb in the Sense of Sex Segregation
Unlike hijâb as Muslim female dress, hijâb in the sense of sex separation between men and women is very much problematic for the majority of the interviewees. It is also difficult to map the pattern of thought among them. The unveiled respondents do not automatically regard sex separation as something that should not be implemented. On the opposite, some veiled respondents regard sex separation as only appropriate for religious activities. Meanwhile, a large number of muhajjabât do not agree with the sex separation completely. In fact, they never attended to any meeting or forum where men and women are separated by a curtain, except in mosques.
Only one respondent supports sex segregation surely. She pointed out that this idea is good for the sake of women’s benefit. She teaches Arabic course in Amsterdam among Muslim female students, the only occasion she wears headscarf, and she admits that this method has proved effective.[64] One other veiled girl agrees that men and women should not mix in the same place. But she is a realistic and a pragmatic person. In fact, she said, it seems too hard to apply this idea in a non-Muslim country like in here. It is difficult to avoid meeting opposite sexes at anyplace. But, she stressed that, although Holland is non-Muslim country, it is far better than her parent origin country, Turkey. According to her, Muslim female students are forbidden to wear headscarves at universities in Turkey. Even though she herself never attended to a meeting or a forum where the audiences are separated in accordance with their sexes, except in the mosque, the practice of sex separation among Muslim community does exist in The Netherlands. It is in the Schiedam, at European Islamic University (Islamistische Universiteit van Europa). [65] While two other respondents, one unveiled convert and a veiled girl, explained that the sex separation is only advisable, and not really necessary,[66] three other girls, two veiled and one unveiled, suggested that it should be applied only for the religious purposes, like in the mosque, but not for social purposes. For these girls, religious ceremonies and activities must be purified from any situation that could reduce their solemnity. They see the mosque as a sacred place. But, they did not see any benefit from such practices in terms of social relation, like in classrooms.[67]

The rest of the respondents consisting of seven muhajjabât, including one convert, and one unveiled convert girl, are all against the sex segregation. They stressed that people, men and women, should live and interact together in open way. They do not have to be separated by any curtain that can hinder social relation. When asked what do you think of hijâb in the sense of sex separation? these girls replied saying: “I do not agree. We must live together”,[68] “It is limitation. Muslims should not seclude themselves”,[69] “I do not think sex separation is good. Proper clothes is enough”,[70] “I am not a supporter of sex separation”,[71] “I do not see any harm of being in the same place with men”,[72] “I do not agree, because we live in one world”.[73] Although some of these girls have experienced the practice of sex separation, but they are not sure that it is because people concerned hold this principle. But rather, they explained, it is only a custom. A girl said to me that there is a boundary in her family. Men and women should not be mixed, especially when her family host guesses. Men should talk with male guesses, and women should chat with female guesses. She thinks of this practice as a tradition, not religion.[74] Another girl told me that she had a unique experience dealing with the idea of sex separation. She once dropped in one of her friend, who has married. During their conversation, her friend’s husband was staying in guess room, while they were talking in another room. She was however not sure that her friend understood about this principle. She contended that such treatment was meant to preserve tradition that has to do with politeness.[75]
Conclusion

There is no single opinion about hijâb among Muslim female students in The Netherlands. This exactly coincides with the normative debates about hijâb in Islam, in which Muslim scholars do not reach into a unified perception toward it. If such a disagreement has been primarily caused by the methods or approaches they applied in interpreting hijâb verses, here the various opinions about hijâb among Muslim female students is a complex phenomena that has been influenced by personal tendencies and experiences.

There are three perceptions about hijâb in the sense of Muslim female dress. Firstly, and primarily, they regard it as compulsory. According to them, God has commanded women to cover themselves. Most of them base their arguments mainly on the Qur’an. They believe that the hijâb verses are not restricted to the wives of the Prophet, but the verses apply to all Muslim women as well. Some girls maintain that hijâb means to dress modestly. They see it as a symbol of Muslim identity and a sort of modern garb. It does not symbolise women’s restriction that relegates them into domestic sphere. For some other girls, the hijâb signifies freedom of choice in Islam. They argued that it cannot be forced to woman. It gives them a freedom to involve into social relation. They go to universities. A few of muhajjabât are also paid as professional employees.

Secondly, hijâb is an option. It is considered as a part of Arab cultures that has been later modified and institutionalised by Islam. This means that it was not of the origin of Islam. Women are opted either to wear it or not. Thirdly, the rest of the respondents do not adopt it, for they are not yet ready. Although they believe that it is an obligation for them, but they needs preparations before wearing it. So, they must be psychologically well prepared before adopting it. The majority of this groups vow to be muhajjabât in the future.

It is interesting to note that even though the majority of the respondents are veiled, it does not automatically mean that they support of the idea of sex segregation. Only one respondent thinks that separation is good at achieving an effective teaching process. Other girls maintain that it is only for religious purposes that separation should prevail. Otherwise, it will be a hindrance to open society, like in Holland. However, the majority of the respondents are not in favour of separation. It seems to me that they attempt to have social relations to the society in an open, co-operative way. They are trying to bridge the gap between Islam and the society in order to bring them about closer one another. Since hijâb is itself a new phenomenon, they are so aware that their performance as muhajjabât is risky. They could be the focus of attention from both people and the Government. That is why separation, which is more exclusive than headscarves, is seen as a peril to the process of the Muslim integration into the Dutch society. Separation will be a contra-productive to this process. They want to integrate themselves into the society in which they live, while maintaining their religious identity.

Published in “Ulumuna” Journal of Islam and Society, June-December, 2004


[1]W.A.R. Shadid and P.S. van Koningsveld, Religious Freedom and the Neutrality of the State: The Position of Islam in the European Union (Leuven: Peeters, 2002), p. 1

[2]Dale F. Eickelman and James Piscatory, Muslim Politics (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1996), p. 4

[3]http:/www.cnn.com/2003/EDUCATION/10/11/scarf.reut/

[4]http://www.philly.com/mld/inquirer/news/nation/7089094.htm, and Time, November 10, 2003, p. 48-51

[5]http://news.bbc.co.uk./1/hi/world/europe/3330397.stm

[6]Bullock called this common view about hijâb as ‘pop cultural view’. See Katherine Bullock, Rethinking Muslim Women and the Veil: Challenging Historical and Modern Stereotypes (Virginia: The International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2002)

[7]W.A.R. Shadid and P.S. van Koningsveld, Religious Freedom, p. 175, see ibid, Intercultural Relations and Religious Authorities: Muslims in the European Union (Leuven: Peeters, 2002), p. 1, see also John L. Esposito, “Modernizing Islam and Re-Islamization in Global Perspectives”, in John L. Esposito and Francois Burgat (ed.), Modernizing Islam: Religion in Public Sphere in Europe and the Middle East (London: Trust and Company, 2003), p. 1

[8]Helen Watson, “Women and the Veil: Personal Responses to Global Process”, in Akbar S. Ahmed and Hasting Donnans, Islam, Globalisation and Post-modernity (London and New York: Routledge, 1994), p. 142-159

[9]Nilufer Gole, The Forbidden Modern: Civilisation and Veiling (Michigan: The University of Michigan Press, 1996)

[10]Anne Sofie Roald, Women in Islam: The Western Experience (London and New York: Rouledge, 2001), p. 294

[11]Katherine Bullock, Rethinking Muslim Women and the Veil, 2002

[12]Ibn Mandzûr, Lisân al-‘Arab al-Muhîth (Beirut: Dâr Lisân al-‘Arab), p. 900

[13]Ibid., p. 488

[14]Ibid., p. 568

[15]Abû Ja‘far Muhammad ibn Jarîr al-Thabarî, Jâmi‘ al-Bayân an Ta‘wîl ay al-Qur’an, Vol. XVIII (Egypt: Mushthafa al-Bâbî al-Halabî, 1954), p. 117

[16]Ibid., p. 119

[17]Ibid., p. 36-37

[18]Abû al-Fida Ismâ‘îl Ibn Katsîr, Tafsîr al-Qur’an al-Azhîm, Vol. III (Beirut : Dâr al-Ma‘rifa), p. 562

[19]Ibid., p. 394

[20]Al-Thabarî, Jâmi‘ al-Bayân, p. 39

[21]Ibn Katsîr, Tafsîr, p. 513

[22]Darwîs Mushthafa Hasan, Fasl al-Khithâb fî Masalat al-Hijâb wal-Niqâb (Egypt: Dâr al-I‘tishâm, 1987), p. 11

[23]Ibid, p. 65-75

[24]Ibid, p. 19-51

[25]Muhammad Nâsr al-Dîn al-Albânî, Hijâb al-Mar’a al-Muslima fil-Kitâb wal-Sunna (Beirut: al-Maktab al-Islâmî, 1389), p. 53

[26]Ibid., 41

[27]There are eight hadîts stating that niqâb was addressed only to the wives of the Prophet, and eight others stating that Muslim women may expose their face and palms. See ibid., p. 25-33 and 47-51

[28]Syed Mutawalli ad-Darsh, Muslim Women’s Dress: Hijâb or Niqâb (Kuala Lumpur: Islamic Book Trust, 1997), p. 27-29

[29]For example Fatima Mernissi and Nawal El Sadawi. Some scholars consider that Mernissi and Sadawai’s arguments on the veil are weak. See Khaterine Bullock, Rethinking Muslim Women and the Veil, p. 136-182 and Anne Sofie Roald, Women in Islam, p. 255-256

[30][30]Mahmûd Muhammad Taha, The Second Message of Islam, edited and translated by Abdullahi Ahmed an-Naim (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 1987), p. 143

[31]Ibid., p. 144

[32]Jan Rath et. al., Western Europe and its Islam (Leiden: Brill, 2001), p. 4

[33]W.A.R. Shadid and P.S. van Koningsveld, Religious Freedom and the Position of Islam in Western Europe: Opportunities and Obstacles in the Acquisition of Equal Rights (Kampen: Pharos, 1995), p. 86-96

[34]Ibid. Hijâb is also of the issue of fundamentalism and human right in France. See Gaby Strassburger, “Fundamentalism versus Human Right: Headscarf Discourses in an Established-Outsider-Figuration in France”, in Felice Dasetto (ed.), Islamic Words: Individual, Societies and Discourse in Contemporary European Islam, (Paris: Maisonneuve and Larose, 2000), p. 125-144

[35]Jan Rath, Western Europe, loc. cit.

[36]Ibid.

[37]see http://www.deutschewelle.de/english/0,3367,1432_A_978043_1_A,00.html and http://www.islamonline.net/English?News?2003-10/11/article08.shtml

[38]W.A.R. Shadid and P.S. van Koningsveld, Religious Freedom and the Position of Islam in Western Europe, p. 88

[39]Ibid., p. 93, see also W.A.R. Shadid and P.S. van Koningsveld, The Integration of Islam and Hinduism in Western Europe (Kampen: Pharos, 1991), p. 113

[40]Ibid.

[41]Ibid.

[42]Ibid.

[43]Ibid., 114

[44] Cherribi uses the term ‘verbal harassment’ to point out the discrimination towards Muslims in Europe, especially after 9/11 attack in US. See Oussama Cherribi, “The Growing Islamization of Europe”, in John L. Esposito and Francais Burqat (ed.), Modernizing Islam, p. 210

[45]de Volkskrant, Tuesday, October 22, 2002

[46]Arlene Elowe Macleod, Accommodating Protest: Working Women, the New Veiling and Change in Cairo, (New York: Columbia University Press, 1991), p. 104

[47]Interview on December 16, 2003. The same date here indicates the same person interviewed

[48]Interview on July 23, 2003

[49]Interview on July 10, 2003

[50]Interview on July 17, 2003

[51]Interview on October 22, 2003

[52]Interview on July 8, 2003

[53]Interview on November 1, 2003

[54]Interview on September 18, 2003

[55]Interview on October 25, 2003

[56]Interview on September 10, 2003

[57]See for example Schirin Amir-Moazami and Armando Salvatore, “Gender, Generation and the reform of Tradition: from Muslim Majority Societies to Western Europe”, in Stefano Allievi and Jorgen Nielsen (ed.), Muslim Networks and Trans-National Communities in and across Europe (Leiden: Brill, 2003), p. 61

[58]The veil in Muslims societies is often described by some researchers as both political phenomena and a symbol of rejection to the Western’s morale decline. See for example John Alden Williams, “Veiling in Egypt as a Political and Social Phenomenon”, in John L. Esposito (ed.), Islam and Development: Religion and Change (New York: Syracuse University Press, 1980), Fadwa El Guindi, Veil: Modesty, Privacy and Resistance, (Oxford: Berg, 1999)

[59]Leila Ahmed, Women and Gender in Islam: Historical Roots of a Modern Debate (New Heaven and London: Yale University Press, 1992), p. 5

[60]Interview with a respondent, September 24, 2003

[61]Interview on October 25, 2003

[62]Interview with a respondent, July 14, 2003

[63]Interview on May 3, 2003

[64]Interview, May 19, 2003

[65]Interview, October 22, 2003

[66]Interview on July 14 and October 22, 2003

[67]Interview on September 10 and October 25 (two persons), 2003

[68]Interview July 8, 2003

[69]Interview September 24, 2003

[70]Interview September 18, 2003

[71]Interview July 10, 2003

[72]Interview December 16, 2003

[73]Interview November 1, 2003

[74]Interview on July 23, 2003

[75]Interview on July 17, 2003