By Mohamad Abdun Nasir
In April 14,2010, The Jakarta Post run an article about the role of religious organizations in keeping the country unity. The author gives a particular attention to NU. He argues that this organization holds a pivotal role in keeping the stability of the country. I agree absolutely. Historically this largest Islamic organization participated actively in the Independence movement. The state has awarded NU founding fathers as national heroes. Unlike recent flourishing Muslim organizations that maintains strong Islamic transnational networks and envisions the establishment of an Islamic state, NU was established in this country. To this organization, Pancasila is final and national unity is nonnegotiable. Looking at these records, it is unintelligible to question NU’s loyalty to the state. Discussing its spirit of nationalism is redundant.
Instead, the real question now is about its religious ideology. Is it still moderate or attuned to be conservative? Certainly NU, along with Muhammadiyah, is not extreme or radical. They are often regarded as the representation of moderate Indonesian Islam. However, if we consider recent cigarette, bank interest, early marriage and female genital mutilation fatwas issued by these two organizations respectively, we may question their moderateness.
NU has lately released two edicts regarding early marriage and female genital circumcision. The fatwa approved these highly controversial matters. A couple month ago, the Forum of East Java Female Pesantren, associated virtually with NU, declared that Facebook is forbidden (if it is misused). These fatwas are staggering.
As far as it is concerned, there is authoritative texts that neither conjoin nor forbid early marriage and the genital mutilation. The scripture does not set a limit for a proper minimum marriage age. No Qur’anic verse nor a sound Prophetic tradition sanction female genital mutilation. The fatwa were thus likely issued on the basis of secondary texts, such as jurist legal works. By endorsing such fatwa at the expense of primary texts and of social, economical and medical issues where early marriage could lead easily into family disharmony, manipulation and abuse and the genital mutilation could create women’s sexual and health problems, the fatwa echoes a setback in Islamic legal thought.
KH. Sahal Mahfudz, a re-elected NU Chairperson, once pronounced the idea of Fikih Sosial, a notion that Islamic law is best perceived as a social ethic for social enforcement. The idea reflects a strong wish to develop the methodology of Islamic law (manhaj) rather than to embrace its products (qaul) uncritically. Similarly, the late KH. Abdurrahman Wahid launched the idea of Pribumisasi Islam to ground Islam deeply rooted in its historical context. Islam in this perspective is conceived of being a universal and cosmopolitan religion that is able to interact with its local contexts. Islam is dialogic, accommodative and responsive. These are a bright idea, yet they apparently remain underdeveloped. The issuance of the two fatwa is a glaring example emerging conservatism and a bitter blow to that reform spirit.
A newly announced NU Central Board Member is dominated by male figures. Even no female member is found. This does not necessarily mean harmful, but another indication of its conservative bias and patriarchalism. In this view, women are seen inappropriate to occupy a central position in Islamic leadership. NU has for sure woman’s wing organizations, such as Muslimat and Fatayat. Yet, its central board that has the highest authority to direct the organization and to compose its strategic plan and agenda remain lacked of female figures. This could strengthen patriarchal and gender biases, as the two fatwas already demonstrated.
NU has a great number of potential cadres and female activists who are engaging in women’s empowerment at the social basis and local level. Pesantren, as its mass and cultural basis, has to a considerable degree participated in gender mainstreaming. Many pesantren have conducted various training in reproductive health, women’s life skill and human right campaigns. Pesantren graduates have also successfully made strong and qualified publications regarding gender issues, such a widely-read book Fikih Perempuan by progressive figure KH. Husein Muhammad. It is therefore justifiable to ask why these progressive button-up movements and reform spirits and voices from below do not touch its elite central organization. Are the myth of women as a source of chaos (fitna) and misogyny, as these are preserved in traditional literature circulated and read in traditionalist Islamic schools, still so appealing? This is perpetual theme, that should be addressed immediately.
Conservatism has also encouraged a fierce controversy over the involvement and active participation of NU young generations in Islamic liberal networks. This resentment has catapulted Ulil Abshar Abdalla from taking any position in its central board organization despite the fact that he was one of the chairperson candidates who earned not insignificant votes. These all are noticeable features, from which we might interpret NU’s current religious ideology.
It is of course unfair to judge NU new board regressive until it is conversely proven. The new board has just been elected and perhaps has not begun drawing upcoming agenda. However, it is now a right moment to raise the question on moderatism, hoping that they do not repudiate to accommodate this other voice from below. The phenomena discussed here are a real challenge that this organization faces. Managing such issues will considerably determine in its own image and character building as moderate. Success to resolve this challenge will move its position into the middle way. We hope and wait, but do not want to be disenchanted.
The writer is an Atlanta-based member of North America NU Community.
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